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Venture capitalists invested a record $288 billion in the first half of 2021
Venture capitalists invested $288 billion in the first half of 2021, an all-time record, per Crunchbase.
By the numbers: Venture capitalists invested $140 billion into U.S.-based startups in the first half of 2021, anall-time record, per Ernst & Young. At that pace, the 2020 total should be surpassed in a matter of days.
- Venture capitalists sold $232 billion worth of tech startups in the first half of 2021, an all-time record, according to 451 Research (a unit of S&P Global Market Intelligence).
- 410 companies went public on the Nasdaq in the first half of 2021, an all-time record, partially driven by an all-time record number of SPAC listings.
- Buyout activity in the first half of 2021 hit an all-time record, including a whopping $126 billion for North American deals in Q2 alone, per Preqin.
- Global M&A in the first half of 2021 topped $2.82 trillion, as we previously discussed, an all-time record.
All of this feeds on itself. For example, lots of VC exits lead to lots of VC deals, both because of animal spirits and structural reasons like fund recycling provisions.
- Plus, Preqin reports that there was an all-time record 5,248 private equity and venture capital funds in market at the start of July, targeting $900 billion. That would be on top of an all-time record amount of existing dry powder in PE/VC funds.
Scoop: Netanyahu demands full control over Israel's Iran policy, sparking pushback
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is demanding full control of Israel's Iran policy as Joe Biden prepares to assume the Oval Office, setting off a fierce fight at the highest echelons of Israel's government, senior Israeli officials tell me.
Why it matters: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is preparing to take a very hard line over Biden's plan to return to the 2015 nuclear deal, in contrast with the more moderate approach favored by Defense Minister Benny Gantz, Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi and the heads of Israel's security services.
Driving the news: On Dec. 29, under orders from Netanyahu, Israeli national security adviser Meir Ben Shabbat sent a one-sentence letter to Gantz:
Axios obtained the contents of the letter, which was also sent to Ashkenazi, Israeli ambassador to Washington Ron Dermer, Mossad director Yossi Cohen and IDF chief of staff General Aviv Kochavi. No explanation was provided as to the timing of the letter or why it was sent, Israeli officials tell me.
Behind the scenes: Gantz was stunned by Netanyahu’s letter and replied two days later with a letter of his own. Gantz wrote that the prime minister does indeed have the authority to finalize Israel's position, but not to disregard almost the entire security establishment and intelligence community while also bypassing Israel's security cabinet.
Gantz added that Israeli policy on the Iran deal must be the result of a broad analysis involving all of Israel’s national security and foreign policy agencies, rather than just the national security council, which reports directly to Netanyahu.
- Gantz also wrote that any such policy must be approved after a serious discussion in the security cabinet.
- Before today, the confrontation between Netanyahu and Gantz was known only to a small group of very senior national security officials.
Between the lines: The timing of the argument — a few weeks before Biden assumes office, and in the midst of Israel's election campaign — makes it even more sensitive and dangerous.
- While all of the key players agree on the strategic goal of preventing Biden from agreeing to a deal that harms Israeli security, they disagree on tactics.
Hanging over the process is the fact that Netanyahu's emphatic rejection of any deal in 2015 effectively sidelined Israel as Barack Obama sealed the previous deal. That's led some senior officials to seek a a more collaborative approach with the U.S. this time.
- One Netanyahu adviser tells me Netanyahu was motivated to send the letter by an interview in the Israeli press in which the retiring head of Israel's military intelligence research department said there was no proof that President Trump’s withdrawal from the deal served Israel’s interests.
- Netanyahu was also upset by rumors that during the visit of U.S. Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Mark Milley, Gantz and several senior Israel Defense Forces generals voiced a more moderate position on the Iran deal.
Worth noting: Netanyahu and Gantz declined to comment for this story.
Big Tech doesn't much care who wins the election
The headaches facing the tech industry's giants won't change much whether Donald Trump remains in the White House or Joe Biden takes his place.
The big picture: Individuals in tech are as passionate and fingernail-biting about Tuesday's election as any other Americans. But the path ahead for the massive companies that have seized the industry's reins over the past decade will only alter incrementally based on the polls' outcome.
The market
Stock prices are the tech industry's rocket fuel: They turn founders into billionaires, keep stock-option-endowed employees happy, and pay off early investors who can then fund the next round of startups.
Stocks have soared under President Trump, continuing a long boom that began under his predecessor, and tech has led the market. But most experts hand credit for the irrepressible rise in equity prices to the Federal Reserve, whose no-interest stance has driven investors into stocks and shows no sign of changing.
The bottom line: Business traditionally fears interest rates, and inflation, will rise under freer-spending Democratic administrations. But Trump's deficit-friendly term scrambled those expectations. Inflation is nowhere in sight. Whoever wins, the Fed will keep refilling tech's punch bowl.
Regulation
Trump's term saw a dramatic shift toward government action against tech firms. The Justice Department has sued Google, action against Facebook by states and the Federal Trade Commission is reportedly imminent, and investigations of both Apple and Amazon remain open.
- These processes are all ostensibly non-partisan and theoretically unaffected by a change in administration.But in practice, a new attorney general could soft-pedal or even scrap the Google suit.
- Democrats have their own reasons for pursuing action against the big companies — but unlike Republicans, they're less focused on claims of censorship and more on the concentration of corporate power and the spread of misinformation.
The bottom line: Whoever wins the White House, scrutiny of tech's allegedly monopolistic behavior will continue.
Moderation and privacy
Tech companies control the hardware and software that shapes our public and private communications, and that has placed them at the center of a million controversies.
- We hold them responsible when their platforms become channels for misinformation and hate speech, and we blame them when their collection of personal data becomes intrusive or harmful.
Democrats have typically been readier than Republicans to favor stricter privacy rules and tougher controls on online misinformation, and if they win the White House and Congress, they might find ways to advance legislation that has long been stalled.
- But a Democratic administration would have a long list of priorities ahead of such action.
Be smart: Some tech leaders — most prominently, Facebook's Mark Zuckerberg — have practically begged the government to enact nationwide (and preferably lenient) nationwide laws on privacy and content moderation. They'd love to stop winging their way through one ethical minefield after another and just play by some standard, easy-to-follow rules.
China
Tech's prosperity is woven into the global economy. President Trump's weaponization of U.S. trade policy has disrupted but not wrecked the interdependence between Silicon Valley's capital and expertise and China's manufacturing might.
- A second Trump administration would likely see the American tech sector continue to seek alternatives beyond China to build its products.
- A Biden win might bring more predictability and process to a realm that Trump has handled chaotically.
- But team Biden isn't pushing rapprochement, either: Democrats have argued that Trump's impulsive policy has been ineffective, and though they're less likely to pursue campaigns targeted against specific companies like TikTok, they're more likely to challenge China on human rights, Hong Kong, and free speech.
- Experts in both parties see China as a threatening U.S. rival in the era of AI, and that competition's outcome has little to do with which party controls the White House.
The bottom line: Regardless of who wins the U.S. election, tech leaders expect U.S.-China tensions to continue, since each side sees the other as a long-term existential threat — but they also hope in the short term to keep getting what they need and selling what they can.
Other concerns
- Labor issues: As U.S. tech firms face a growing variety of challenges from activist employees over salary equity, workforce diversity, product ethics and other issues, a more labor-friendly Democratic administration could give unionization efforts in tech a boost. But no one expects to see the union-hostile industry become the new Detroit.
- Wellness: The debate over screen time and device "addiction" is likely to resurface after taking a back seat during a pandemic that has made Americans even more reliant on tech to work, study, shop and stay in touch. This controversy is notably non-partisan. Whichever party is in charge come January, its leaders will be glued to their phones and screens.



